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Education: University of Pennsylvania, graduated magna cum laude, ; American Conservatory Theater, graduated, Avocational Interests: Fantasy football. Television Appearances; Series: Dr. Awards, Honors: Young Hollywood Award, exciting new face, Movieline, ; Screen Actors Guild Award nomination with others , outstanding performance by a cast in a motion picture, , for Seabiscuit. Miss Brant, Spider—Man, Sony, Berguson, Crazy Late short film , Chris Ferguson, Aunt Connie, The Fog, Columbia, Woman in basement, Slither, Universal, Cynical janitor, Remission Impossible short film , Kaos Productions, Henderson, Fido, Lions Gate Films, Custody judge, Case 39, Paramount, Also appeared on Finders Keepers, Nickelodeon.

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Career: Actress and singer. Previously worked as a model; appeared in television commercials. Jeannie Costigan, The Perfect Neighbor, Superman: Screen Tests short , Creative Designs, Vivian, L. Twister, Indican Pictures, Also appeared in The Heart of a Champion. Evelyn Decter, Stingray, Story, NBC, Sarah Cooper, April Morning, Lilah Corbett, Ladykillers, Alex Barnard, Dead Reckoning, Lucinda, Blackmail, Ada Guthrie, Wildflower, Alice Lundgren, Sight Unseen, Linda Ryan, Color Me Perfect, Laura Manhart, Her Married Lover, Danforth, Chain of Command, Television Appearances; Episodic: Dinah!

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Military service: U. Marine Corps. Joe, Cops and Robbers, United Artists, Pete, Mixed Company, United Artists, Leo Schneider, Chapter Two, Columbia, Joey, The Woman in Red, Orion, Doctor Malavaqua, Transylvania 6—, New World, Uncle Phil, Coupe de Ville, Universal, Goldstein, Ringer, Mel Kingman, Squint, Dying on the Edge, Education: Graduate of Brown University. Voice of Mr. Mags , Astoria, Fox, The Barbour Report, Law, NBC, As Joe Bologna Dr. Gordon Vogel, Not Quite Human, Judge Manza, Prime Target, Noah, Fathers and Sons, Showtime, Arnie Zwillman, An Inconvenient Woman, Screenplays: 2 short film , Codirector, Bedrooms special , HBO, With Taylor A Cry for Love, Paradise, CBS, Bedrooms, HBO, Videos: The Joe Piscopo Video, Saunders, Air America, TriStar, First security guard, Think Big, Concorde, Teddy, Made in America, Warner Bros.

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Film Appearances: Voice of Lalo, Rant, Tear It Down, Gang member working on car, 17 and Under, Spectrum Films, Mo, Brother, Sony Pictures Classics, Eddie Tesoro, P. Paparazzi photographer, S1m0ne, New Line Cinema, Cartoon, The Wounded, Troma Entertainment, Married Laura Innes an actress and director , ; children: Cal, Mia adopted.

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Avocational Interests: Cross—country running, hockey. WRITINGS Awards, Honors: Young Artist Award nominations, best television performance by an actor under ten, , and best performance by a young actor in a daytime drama, , both for Another World; Young Artist Award nomination, best supporting young actor in a feature film, , for Gladiator; Blockbuster Award nomination, favorite supporting actor in a suspense film, , for Unbreakable.

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Creative Coalition, New York City, member of board of directors, beginning Awards, Honors: Emmy Award nomination, outstanding supporting actor in a miniseries or special, , for The Two Mrs. Education: Amherst College, B. Hollywood Squares also known as H2 and H2: Hollywood Squares , syndicated, multiple episodes, between and Gardner, Jumping Ship, Disney Channel, Given the entangled nature of our relationship with objects, it is how they interacted with people, what they tell us about the lives of the humans who created, used, and disposed of them, that we are trying to elucidate.

In this sense, the life of objects is no more nor less than the life of humans, of ourselves. Bender S. Hamilton C. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 63, , Edmonds M. Edmonds, Ancestral Geographies of the Neolithic. Hoskins, Agency, Biography and Objects, in: C. Tilley W. Keane S. Rowlands P. Spyer eds. Appadurai ed. Meskell, Object Worlds in Ancient Egypt. Jahrtausends v. Somit soll ein Beitrag zur besseren Wahrnehmung einer Fundgattung geleistet werden, die einen zentralen Teil der materiellen Kultur aus der griechischen Oikumene darstellt.

Andreas E. Die Vorlage der Eisenfunde erfolgt als Bestandteil einer zusammenfassenden Publikation der beiden Grabungen s. Jahrhunderts v. Tuchelt , ; Breder u. Daher konnte bei dieser Frage bislang nur auf einige Baureste im Tempelareal und zumeist stark fragmentierte Skulpturen ohne bekannten Auf- 15 Distant Worlds Journal 1 13 Abb. Rechteckige Panzerschuppen neuassyrischen Typs.

Zusammenfassend dazu s. Tuchelt Heiligtumsabfall sind. Dieser setzt sich vor allem aus alten bzw. Helga Bumke statt. Dazu s. Bumke a, 91 94; zu fremden Artefakten aus der Tempel-Grabung vgl. Zur Stratigraphie vgl. Dazu vgl. Jahrtausend v. Jahrhundert v. Katalog der einzelnen Orte mit weiteren Literaturangaben in Jarva , Snodgrass , Der Panzer wird in das 5. Young , Taf. Ein so gefertigter, beweglicher Schutz bestand manchenorts aus drei Metallschichten.

Diese Kon Zusammenfassend s. McClellan , Ivantchik , Jarva , Snodgrass , 85; Jarva , Index der Reliefs mit weiterer Literatur s. Stronach , Taf. Datiert ins 8. Tufnell , Taf. Muscarella , Abb. Die Dazu s. Liste der orientalischen Keulen, mit weiterer Literatur, s. Slawisch , Anm.

Baitinger , Zur Sitte der Waffenweihgaben in Griechenland vgl. Boardman , 61; Papadopoulos Von Bredow Von Bredow , Von Bredow , Trotz der Zusammenfassend zu assyrischen Inventaren zu Iovanes s. Trundle Nichtsdestotrotz ist hier anzumerken, dass der Autor durch die Anwendung gleicher Methode der Objektbiographie zu vergleichbaren Ergebnissen kam: "It is this and other biographical aspects that characterize these classes of items as powerful things in motion" Crielaard , Bettalli, Mercenari.

Boardman, The Greeks Overseas. Breder H. Bumke I. Kaiser U. Bumke, Fremde Votive oder fremde Dedikanten? Wiesbaden Bumke b H. Bol U. Schollmeyer Hg. Gerlach R. Dietrich Hg. Kistler - B. Mohr - M. Hoernes Hg. Edzar Hg. Einicke S. Lehmann H. Mehnert A. Slawisch Hg. Frielinghaus, Die Helme von Olympia. Gaitzsch, Eisenfunde aus Pergamon. Petschel Hg. Hale, Not Patriots, not Farmers, not Amateurs. Kagan G. Viggiano Hg. Ivantchik, Kimmerier und Skythen. Knapp P. Knapp Hg.

Kyrieleis W. Langdon, Beyond the Grave. Aro R. Withing Hg. Luraghi, Traders, Pirates, Warriors. Kyriatsoulis Hg. Muscarella, Bronze and Iron. Muth, Gewalt im Bild. Berlin New York Papadopoulos J. Papadopoulos, Greece in the early iron age. Mobility, Commodities, Polities and Literacy, in: B. Whiting Hg. Slawisch A.

Slawisch, Didyma. Untersuchungen zur sakralen Topographie und baulichen Entwicklung des Kernheiligtums vom Jh. Cobet Hg. Tufnell, Lachisch III. Tell ed-duweir. Young, The Campaign of Gordion. With three case studies from Hellenistic Etruria, beaked situlae, lagynoi and amphorae, I aim to answer the following research question: How can a change of vessel functions in funerary contexts express the changing cultural identities of the deceased and their family?

The choice of funerary contexts allows an approximation of the change of meaning through the analysis of the distance between daily life and ritual function of the objects. Each case study presents a different relationship between changing meaning and identity construction: the beaked situlae, related to the social identity of new social layers; the amphorae, related to local cultural identities during the process of Romanisation; and the lagynoi, related to the construction of multicultural identities in newfounded agricultural settlements.

The distinct patterns of the three forms suggest the possibility of analysing stratified and complex societies by the study of changing meaning. This article approaches the semantic change of some grave goods in funerary contexts of Hellenistic Etruria as a consequence of a global process of cultural transmission which affected Etruscan and Italic cultures 1 during the Hellenistic period.

The process of adopting the Latin language and roman institutions in Etruria, especially in the inland and northern part of the region, engaged a complexity of layers. Each layer involved the local communities in the selective and distinctive adoption of new lifestyles. Terrenato , Bradley , However, I cannot agree with Bradley about the possibility of connecting the diffusion of black gloss pottery with a cultural spread of Roman lifestyle.

This break effected a change which involved many aspects of the material culture. Three case studies are selected and isolated to analyse specific research questions which are stated at the beginning of each paragraph and relate to the construction of local identities and their transformation during this period.

The evolution of the historical situation and the relevant social layers will be briefly indicated in the examination of each example. By referring to semantic change here I mean changes that involve the meaning of an object. This meaning is shared in a social context and goes beyond the object itself. Cultural Transmission and Change of Meaning A precondition for cultural transmission is a contact between at least two individuals or group of individuals with different cultural backgrounds.

Through this directed or undirected contact, some cultural contents ideas, images, forms may pass from an emittent to Eerkens Lipo , ; Ulf a, I refer especially to the concept of cultural identity as dynamic construction of collective identity, as in Gruen , 1 9, as well as a cohesive group within a network of individual plural identities, as in Ulf b, For the evolution of Italic identities at the end of the Romanisation process see Turfa , 2.

With the term Romanisation I mean here the process of adoption of Roman political institutions and Latin as an official language in Etruria, as following Terrenato , For the role played by material culture in the construction of collective identity an image that a group constructs to allow the identification of its members see Versluys , with further bibliography. Hall , One can observe some phenomena of cultural transmission in material culture, in particular in the morphology of objects and in cultural behaviours, e.

For the study of these processes, I elaborated a model with three different modes of transmission: the simple, the reciprocate and the multivariate transmission fig. This simple transmission fig. In the case of mediation, the content of the transmission is very frequently modified. A reciprocal transmission fig. For a synthesis of a model of cultural transmission flowing between emittents called transmitters and recipients see Ulf a, On the mediators of transmission see Ulf , Agency theory is discussed by Ulf in his contribution f.

For the role of objects and ideas as vectors see Ulf a, On the choices related to architectural decoration see Maschek Da Vela , 31 Distant Worlds Journal 1 29 on by the recipient and, in a second moment, transmitted back to the emitter in their new form.

A multivariate transmission does not have a unique emitter. This kind of transmission is the result of repeated and frequent contacts between a large number of actors within a geographic area. Every actor becomes at the same moment emitter and recipient. A multivariate cultural transmission can be related to a homogeneous set of contents one-mode multivariate transmission , or be transversal to different sets of contents multi-level multivariate transmission or cause a chain reaction chain-reaction multivariate transmission.

This form of transmission cannot occur without changing the transmitted object, because it results from an entanglement of different sources within them and with the culture of the recipient fig. Simple directed a. Simple mediated b. Reciprocate c. This semantic change is analysed through three examples of transmission, related to the following classes of materials in Etruria: beaked situlae, amphorae and lagynoi. All of them can be referred to as multivariate transmission. Here I analyse the impact of multivariate cultural transmission on the change of meaning in the funerary use of these ceramic classes.

The mode of the transmission is therefore important because it enables the condition of the change of meaning: a change of meaning is common in contents, which are transmitted in a multivariate mode, because this mode implicates a local re-elaboration of contents, transmitted by a plurality of emitters, with an high frequency of inputs. Graphic elaboration with the Software Visone Emitters in blue, recipients in red, mediators in orange I intentionally avoid the use of terms such as hybridisation and syncretism, because, as Ulf a, makes clear, there are no pure cultures which can be assumed as a starting point to evaluate such concepts.

For the influence of the mode of transmission on the selection of the transmitted contents and in the speed of the transmission see Bettinger Garvey Tushingham , In my model, the multivariate transmission presents a higher frequency of contacts and consequently affects the speed and the intensity of the change. What is the relationship between change of function and change of meaning?

In the case of grave goods, objects no longer have their uses in daily life but assume a symbolic meaning. In becoming a grave good, every object changes meaning. The distance of the function of the object from its function in the daily life of the reference culture describes the nature of the semantic change.

Each case study represents a different relationship between change of meaning and expression of identity. The first case, the beaked situlae, concerns the affirmation of a new social identity within the Etruscan culture. The second case, the funerary deposition of commercial amphorae, is related to the re-construction of the cultural identity in Apuanic Liguria.

I deal especially with the meaning of beaked situlae in funerary depositions because previous studies did not take the contexts of these objects into consideration. Because the other two case studies are of materials that have been carefully studied in contexts and connotations, 15 I present selected examples only to compare their semantic changes in specific cultural contexts By construction of cultural identity I mean the process of intentional differentiation through specific and repeated behaviours, reflected in archaeological material, see Izzet , See below n.

For amphorae see Maggiani ; Pieri For lagynoi see Sciarma Change of meaning of beaked situlae and social connotations The first case study suggests chronologically distinct patterns in the change of meaning of beaked situlae as grave goods in Hellenistic Etruria.

These patterns imply a chronological and geographic oscillation in meaning, relating to the social position of the deceased and, consequently, to the communication system within the local communities. Beaked situlae are stamnoid or bell situlae with two parallel bridge-shaped handles. Both handles end in applique-figures. In correspondence with this beak, the body of the situla is carved as a filter. The form has a chronological range between the 4 th and the 2 nd century BCE.

The first beaked situlae were variously attributed to Apulian, Etruscan, Greek or Thracian potters The selection of the subjects is strongly limited: heads of lions, satyrs, slaves or Athena, as well as theatre masks. For this reason, Zahlhaas , 97f.

The chronological seriation of this form into different production classes was fixed by Gisela Zahlhaas In 33 Distant Worlds Journal 1 31 To examine the principal reasons for the change of meaning of beaked situlae in Etruria, I will analyse three geographic and cultural contexts: the coastal area, the territory of Volterra, and the internal zone of the Lake Trasimene fig.

Zinelli, Situla a vernice nera sovra dipinta, in: Paolucci , The contexts before the Punic Wars are shown in red, during the Punic Wars in orange, and after the Punic Wars in green. This event caused a break in the social structures of the local communities. San Gimignano, La Ripa; 2. Casole d Elsa, Colonna; 3. Montepitti; 4. Populonia, S. Cerbone; 5. Populonia, Campo del Debbio; 6. Populonia, Poggio e Piano delle Granate; 7. Perugia, Monte Luce; 8. Gioiella; 9. Sarteano, Pianacce; Chiusi, Colle Lucioli; Sarteano, Mulin Canale; Todi; Vetulonia, Costa Murata; Roselle, Collina Fig.

Milena Candela , 24 71 proposed a revision of the chronology of this objects and gave a synthesis of the history of the studies. Her article sparked a reaction by Lili Byvanck- Quarels van Ufford , , who proposed a Bithinic origin of the shape, in reference to her own article about the cultural influences between Etruria, Ionia and Bithinia related to the production of the bell situlae Byvanck-Quarels van Ufford For a focus on the ceramic production in Gnathia style, see Schauenburg , A probable multivariate transmission ante litteram was suggested by Giuseppina Carlotta Cianferoni , 15 describing the situlae of Populonia.

The particular significance of these grave goods lies in an inscribed black-glazed cup with a dedication in Greek. Such inscriptions are atypical of Etruscan funerary contexts, and their presence, in few cases, on the local ceramic of Caere has been related to a presence of immigrated people. This inscription was a common dedication for black-glazed pottery and Genucilia plate in the Caeretan temple of Hera Bellelli , f. The same inscription in Greek is attested in some Genucilia plates from Caere, which were 34 32 Da Vela, Cultural Transmission and Semantic Change pared to other Etruscan funerary contexts, 22 the presence of a beaked situla in Gnathia style, probably imported from Apulia or Campania, could suggest a strong relationship between the choices of the family owner of the tomb, the family who owned the tomb and the south of Italy.

At Populonia, black-glazed situlae with overpainted decoration in Gnathia Style were found in the necropolis of Campo del Debbio, 23 while lead beaked situlae, associated with overpainted banquet ceramics in Gnathia style and other metallic goods of the banquet set, were laid in the necropoleis of S. The author refers the presence of this inscription in two other tombs id.

For the deposition of vessels of the homeland in Etruscan tombs, where Campanian people were buried, see Benassai , At Campo del Debbio, a beaked situla in Gnathia-Stile was associated with overpainted ceramics made in south Etruria and a commercial amphora, in a tomb of the first half of the 3 rd century BCE De Agostino , figs ; Fedeli , n. The date of the necropolis is estimated at the second half of the 3 rd century BCE or at the beginning of the 2 nd century BCE. The numerous associated grave goods were representative of Volterran production, in particular a krater of the Clusium-Volaterrae Group and skyphoi of the northern Group Ferrara T, of south Etruscan Torcop and Fantasma Group and Campanian production.

One of these situlae was associated with an overpainted lebes gamikos and gold jewellery. This tomb has a clear aristocratic connotation and refers to a social position justified by the commercial influence of the family. The presence of the lebes gamikos and of many objects, which are specific not just of the production, but also of the funerary culture of Volterra, 28 suggests an endogamic relationship between the owner of the tomb and the correspondent urban aristocracy.

Further, we cannot exclude the possibility that the family itself had Volterran origins. This area is an interconnected region for Volterran trade and com Falchi , ; Gamurrini , ; Minto , f. Jehasse Jehasse , n. The presence of immigrated Volterran families, based on the association of the grave goods and on the choice of cinerary urns, has been suggested in other coastal centres, e. Castiglioncello: Massa , 50f. Two necropoleis in this geographical cross-roads present bronze beaked situlae as grave goods.

Unfortunately, they are both without context: one was found at Cellole San Gimignano , 30 the other one at Colonna Casole d Elsa. The power of these families is often related to agrarian possession, which may be deduced from the position of their funerary monuments: huge tumuli, isolated in the countryside, with a strong symbolic tie to the land. In this case, the change of meaning is realised within the symbol of consumption of wine in the banquet and does not correspond to a shift in the function of the situlae.

The traditional semantic system of the upper class assumes a new level of stratification here. The deposition of exotic rich objects is not just a means of affirming the social position and the power of the deceased and his family, but it becomes a way to indicate maritime trade as source of this role and power. Through the choice of beaked situlae, these families express their sense of belonging to a new aristocracy which appeared in Volterra in the first half of the 3 rd century BCE and which based its power on a well-planned economic network in the The totality of the grave goods is here referred to banquet and symposium in Chigi , ; Ragazzini , Chigi Zondadari , ; Acconcia , 32 n.

Luhmann , Giulierini , The new aristocracy regenerated itself through intermarriages with the local middle classes and gained acceptance and support from aristocratic families who fled from the Po Valley because of the pressure of Celtic peoples.

The tomb is the richest of the city and can be connected to the local nobility. In these grave goods, a materialisation of the beaked situlae as symbolic object gives some hints regarding the social and economic role of their consumers, as in DeMarrais Castillio Earle , 17f. Paoletti , Bianchi Bandinelli , ; Giulierini , ; Salvadori , Both necropoleis have tombs in the form of a long dromos with a certain number of independent burial recesses loculi-tomb.

Here, the burial recesses in the dromoi were assigned to depositions of people belonging to the households of noble families. The new function of the object implies a change of meaning, reflected in its morphological aspects. The spout is atrophic and loses its primary function because the inside strainer is missing and the relief header assumes a mere decorative function. In this case, the cultural transmission of the form of the beaked situla affected both the change of meaning and correlated morphological change of the object, in the process of its re production.

A grave good connected to a specific function in the ritual of symposium of the upper class thus became a cinerary urn. The specific Etruscan background for this choice could be a reason of this change Burial recess nr. For this conceptualisation of household and family in pre-modern societies see Luhmann , For the social position of the loculi-tombs see Salvadori , Tomb 7 in Minetti a, ; Minetti b, ; Minetti Minetti , 90 fig.

Paolucci , For the silver-ceramic beaked situlae of Volsinii see Candela , Paolucci, Situla, in: Paolucci , To summarise, in a first phase, at the end of the 4 th and in the first half of the 3 rd century BCE, these situlae in bronze or in the clay version in Gnathia style were a prerogative of elite behaviours of the upper social layers, connoted as an agrarian and commercial aristocracy in the territory of Volterra and Perugia and in the coastal cities.

The production centres of bronze situlae were probably located in Central Etruria, but they had strong formal contacts with the Mediterranean production, Macedonian in particular, 44 while clay situlae were imported from Apulia, with Campanian intermediaries, or were E. About the use of situlae as cinerary vase see Giuliani Pomes , f. It may be possible to suggest a migration of artists or artisans from Macedonia or Apulia.

In this first phase, beaked situlae functioned both as a grave goods and cinerary vases, with this last association seeming to be a semantic assimilation with the local tradition of cinerary kraters. In a second phase, between the second half of the 3 rd and the first half of the 2 nd century BCE, the beaked situla became a status symbol for new social elements, which expressed themselves as part of the upper social layer.

This new social segment is the result of a social mobility of immigrated elements and of rich families of the middle class, which were incorporated into the old aristocracies, probably attempting to conserve their existence in the critical period of the Punic Wars. One can suppose that the importation of Gnathia situlae produced in south Italy into coastal centres contributed to a standardisation of their meaning within Etruscan grave goods.

In this second phase, some importations of metallic situlae from Campania as replacements of the local dismissed productions can be related to the conservative nobility, in the function of self-representation. Their position within the grave goods of the old aristocracy maintains a convivial connotation as reinforcement of the traditional values, linked with the banquet as a cohesive social ritual of the upper layers, as well as being an Imported from Tarent or Campania and their local imitations Bruni , For the social mobility in the upper social stratum as an autopoietic character if the aristocracy see Luhmann , f.

In this first case study, the change in meaning assumes an intercultural function, namely to connect members of Italic and Etruscan elites, as well as a cohesive function within the Etruscan society, performing the dynamics of emulation and distinction between lower and upper social segments. Change of meaning of amphorae in funerary contexts and the re-construction of cultural identity The second case study proposes the semantic change s dependence on the cultural background of the recipients of the cultural transmission, through the analysis of the role of commercial amphorae in the funerary assemblages of the northern Etruscan communities, in comparison with their role in the funerary contexts of neighbouring Apuanic Ligurian settlements.

In Etruscan Hellenistic funerary contexts, the deposition of Greco-Italic, Corinthian or Punic amphorae 48 as grave goods is common to coastal and inland centres fig. Amphorae as wine containers are marked with a white circle, amphorae as a cinerary urn containers with a red circle.

Alfa in Caputo et. They are frequently associated with banquet sets, in a primary relation with their use as a transport and storage wine-vase. A secondary meaning can indicate the wish of the family of the deceased to reference a familiar tradition in Mediterranean commerce or the assumption of the lifestyles of the Italic upper social layers as the consumers of high-quality wine from specific regions.

This last meaning is suggested by the depositional associations in the coastal centres. This chamber tomb was topographically isolated and had an exceptional character within the necropolis. Four deceased individuals were buried with an inhumation ritual, and three with a cremation ritual; their ashes were deposited in two ollae and an amphora.

All three cremated were adult males. The cinerary Etruscan amphora was placed near the feet of an inhumed female. The peculiarity of this tomb is the presence of a second amphora as a grave good of another female inhumation, which was positioned in the central corridor. This amphora was of a Greco-Italic type, while the cinerary amphora was Etruscan and contained a jasper scarab with an engraving of two fighting knights equites. The grave goods allow this tomb to be dated in the range of BCE.

A different situation, the consequence of a new social assessment, can be seen in the Bruscalupo and Paradiso necropoleis of the agricultural centre of Vaiano, near Chiusi fig. The settlement, which was founded anew after the Punic Wars, had a multicultural connotation, as indicated by the linguistic and prosopographic aspects of the funerary inscriptions. See above.

The multicultural connotation is confirmed by epigraphic and prosopographic sources, as in Benelli a, ; Benelli b, In conclusion, in Etruria, the deposition of amphorae in funerary contexts had a variable meaning, with strong emphasis on its function as a wine container in aristocratic banquets.

Their use as a cinerary vase appears as a social phenomenon just after the Punic Wars, in new multicultural settlements. A picture of this shift of meaning in the funerary deposition of commercial amphorae and of its relationship with the construction of the cultural identity emerges from the comparison of their function in the Apuanic Ligurian necropoleis, 55 with their role in the northern Etruscan necropoleis at the frontier territories with Ligurian.

For general references concerning the Apuanic Ligurian and the relationship between material culture and ancient sources see Maggiani , S. Maggiani , 99f. The cut amphora as a clay-cist gradually became a distinct element of some social layers within the Ligurian culture of the period, particularly the frontier zone with Etruria in the communities settled north of river Arno.

The introduction of amphorae and of their content in the lifestyle of the upper Ligurian classes has been related to their contact with Roman and Etruscan elites. The choices of the local families in relation to their cultural identities are properly indicated in the function of the amphorae in their graves. In the necropolis of Bizzarrino, 61 the amphora has the functional connotation of the Ligurian necropolis of the near Valle del Serchio as Marlia and Bizzarrino: fig.

Miniato Fonte Vivo, southern of river Arno, this use can be only supposed. This change has been noted in the food habits of this classes Menchelli , f. A construction which relates to only some social layers within the Apuanic Ligurian communities. Maggiani , Ciampoltrini , 34 with references.

Both communities occupied an area displaying cultural exchanges, intercultural marriages and intense commercial contacts. Amphorae as wine-containers are marked with a white circle; amphorae as cinerary-urn cists with a red circle. To summarise these observations on the change of meaning in the cultural transmission of amphorae in funerary context, a semantic shift to cinerary urn or to a constitutional part of the cinerary monument could reflect the desire of local communities to identify themselves through specific and distinct behaviours.

During the late Hellenistic period, Ligurian upper social segments attempted to reconstruct their cultural identities by reworking the function of amphorae in funerary context. My argument rests on the new position of the lagynoi in the graves of settlements with a high presence of Italic elements, where these vessels play a significant role for the commemoration rituals at the tomb.

Lagynoi featured as part of the banquet set are marked with a red circle; lagynoi as a ritual vessel in the commemoration, with a white circle. A meaning of the lagynoi is connected with wine and the cult of Dionysus, 66 frequently attested in south of Italy, 67 as in the necropoleis of Tarent, 68 Arpi, 69 Metapontum, 70 Herakleia, 71 Tursi and in the northern coastal Picene community on the Adriatic, e.

The earliest examples See Pierobon with references. Maria d Anglona in the chora in Bianco , Mercando , belong to south and central Etruria, in particular to Tarquinia, 73 Chiusi and its ager, e. Through the prosopographic analysis of these contexts, it is possible to link the presence of lagynoi with an Italic character of the local communities, which had become part of the local elite through targeted marriage strategies.

In particular, the presence in these tombs of family names as Umrana, Herini and Latini attest to this renewal of the local aristocracy. In comparison with south Italian and earlier Etruscan contexts, a fixed recurrence in their position suggests the possibility of a codified ritual use.

The possibility of a secondary deposition of lagynoi in later Etruscan contexts is also suggested by their position in grave corridors, e. Authorisation of the Polo Museale dell Umbria, depository of image rights. The change of meaning can be analysed in the necropoleis of the Trasimenic area with loculi-graves. The recent publication concerning Podere Balena fig. In the necropolis the lagynoi were always deposited into the dromos, outside of the burial recess, in standing position, sometime in contact with the closing tile fig.

Maggiani , 51 57; Salvadori , 69f. Here, the change of meaning of the lagynos in funerary ritual corresponds to a modification in the organisation of the local communities and with the integration or interaction in an Etruscan cultural area of non-local elements of population, as attested by the numerous inscriptions.

This change in the use and meaning of lagynoi in the Etruscan communities is not homogeneous throughout the region, but it is a local, circumscribed, subregional phenomenon. Within the same chronological range, in the inland communities the lagynoi assume a specific ritual function; in the ager Volaterranus and in the coastal area they maintain their primary meaning as a banquet 87 E.

Bruni a; Bruni ; Bruni c; Levi , ; Michelucci , The analysed case studies have shown a strong relationship between this semantic change and the construction of collective cultural identities. In the first case study, the change of meaning of beaked situlae is an expression of the upper social segments of the Etruscan society to underline its role within international cultural and economic contexts. In the case study of commercial amphorae in funerary contexts, the comparison between Etruscan and Ligurian behaviours indicates the potentiality of the intentional change of meaning for the definition and re construction of ethnic or local identities.

During the unification of the economic and political system due to the process of Romanisation, the amphorae circulating in the supply chain are deposited in Etruscan tombs as elements of the banquet set, while in Apuanic Ligurian assemblages, the transport vessels are recycled as containers of cinerary urns.

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